apt install libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-xenial

Looking for clues in the logs The first place I looked was the log file for the login manager (/var/log/lightdm/lightdm.log) where I found the following:

DEBUG: Session pid=12743: Running command /usr/sbin/lightdm-session gnome-session --session=gnome
DEBUG: Creating shared data directory /var/lib/lightdm-data/username
DEBUG: Session pid=12743: Logging to .xsession-errors

This told me that the login manager runs the gnome-session command and gets it to create a session of type gnome. That command line is defined in /usr/share/xsessions/gnome.desktop (look for Exec=):

[Desktop Entry]
Name=GNOME
Comment=This session logs you into GNOME
Exec=gnome-session --session=gnome
TryExec=gnome-shell
X-LightDM-DesktopName=GNOME

I couldn't see anything unexpected there, but it did point to another log file (~/.xsession-errors) which contained the following:

Script for ibus started at run_im.
Script for auto started at run_im.
Script for default started at run_im.
init: Le processus gnome-session (GNOME) main (11946) s'est achev  avec l' tat 1
init: D connect  du bus D-Bus notifi 
init: Le processus logrotate main (11831) a  t  tu  par le signal TERM
init: Le processus update-notifier-crash (/var/crash/_usr_bin_unattended-upgrade.0.crash) main (11908) a  t  tu  par le signal TERM

Seaching for French error messages isn't as useful as searching for English ones, so I took a look at /var/log/syslog and found this:

gnome-session[4134]: WARNING: App 'gnome-shell.desktop' exited with code 127
gnome-session[4134]: WARNING: App 'gnome-shell.desktop' exited with code 127
gnome-session[4134]: WARNING: App 'gnome-shell.desktop' respawning too quickly
gnome-session[4134]: CRITICAL: We failed, but the fail whale is dead. Sorry....

It looks like gnome-session is executing gnome-shell and that this last command is terminating prematurely. This would explain why gnome-session exits immediately after login.

Increasing the amount of logging In order to get more verbose debugging information out of gnome-session, I created a new type of session (GNOME debug) by copying the regular GNOME session:

cp /usr/share/xsessions/gnome.desktop /usr/share/xsessions/gnome-debug.desktop

and then adding --debug to the command line inside gnome-debug.desktop:

[Desktop Entry]
Name=GNOME debug
Comment=This session logs you into GNOME debug
Exec=gnome-session --debug --session=gnome
TryExec=gnome-shell
X-LightDM-DesktopName=GNOME debug

After restarting LightDM (service lightdm restart), I clicked the GNOME logo next to the password field and chose GNOME debug before trying to login again. This time, I had a lot more information in ~/.xsession-errors:

gnome-session[12878]: DEBUG(+): GsmAutostartApp: starting gnome-shell.desktop: command=/usr/bin/gnome-shell startup-id=10d41f1f5c81914ec61471971137183000000128780000
gnome-session[12878]: DEBUG(+): GsmAutostartApp: started pid:13121
...
/usr/bin/gnome-shell: error while loading shared libraries: libwayland-egl.so.1: cannot open shared object file: No such file or directory
gnome-session[12878]: DEBUG(+): GsmAutostartApp: (pid:13121) done (status:127)
gnome-session[12878]: WARNING: App 'gnome-shell.desktop' exited with code 127

which suggests that gnome-shell won't start because of a missing library.

Finding the missing library To find the missing library, I used the apt-file command:

apt-file update
apt-file search libwayland-egl.so.1

and found that this file is provided by the following packages:

• libhybris
• libwayland-egl1-mesa
• libwayland-egl1-mesa-dbg
• libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-utopic
• libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-vivid
• libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-wily
• libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-xenial

Since I installed the LTS Enablement stack, the package I needed to install to fix this was libwayland-egl1-mesa-lts-xenial. I filed a bug for this on Launchpad.

TL;DR Install/use Debian 8 or Ubuntu 16.0.4 then execute:

sudo apt-get install software-properties-common
sudo add-apt-repository ppa:ethereum/ethereum
sudo sed 's/jessie/vivid/' -i /etc/apt/sources.list.d/ethereum-ethereum-*.list
sudo apt-get update
sudo apt-get install ethereum ethminer
geth account new
# copy long character sequence within  , that is your <YOUR_WALLET_ADDRESS>
# if you lose the passphrase, you lose your coins!
sudo apt-get install linux-headers-amd64 build-essential
chmod +x NVIDIA-Linux-x86_64-367.35.run
sudo NVIDIA-Linux-x86_64-367.35.run
ethminer -G -F http://yolo.ethclassic.faith:9999/0x<YOUR_WALLET_ADDRESS> --farm-recheck 200
echo done

My Attention Span is > 60 seconds Ethereum is a crypto currency similar to Bitcoin as it is based on the blockchain technology. Ethereum is not yet another Bitcoin clone though, since it has an additional feature called Smart Contracts that makes it unique and very promising. I am not going into details how Ethereum works, you can get that into great detail on the Internet. This post is about Ethereum mining. Mining is how crypto coins are created. You need to spent computing time to get coins out. At the beginning CPU mining was sufficient, but as the Ethereum network difficulty has increased you need to use GPUs as they can calculate at a much higher hashrate than a general purpose CPU can do. About 2 months ago I bought a new gaming rig, with a Nvidia GTX 1070 so I can experience virtual-reality gaming with a HTC Vive at a great framerate. As it turns out modern graphics cards are very good at hashing so I gave it a spin. Initially I did this mining setup with Windows 10, as that is the operating system on my gaming rig. If you want to do Ethereum mining using your GPU, then you really want to use Linux. On Windows the GTX 1070 produced a hashrate of 6 MH/s (megahashes per second) while the same hardware does 25 MH/s on Linux. The hashrate multiplied by 4 by using Linux instead of Windows. Sounds good? Keep reading and follow this guide. You have to pick a Linux distro to use for mining. As I am a Debian developer, all my systems run Debian, which is what I am also using for this guide. The same procedure can be done for Ubuntu as it is similar enough. For other distros you have to substitute the steps yourself. So I assume you already have Debian 8 or Ubuntu 16.04 installed on your system.

Install Ethereum Software First we need the geth tool which is the main Ethereum "client". Ethereum is really a peer-to-peer network, that means each node is a server and client at the same time. A node that contains the complete blockchain history in a database is called a full node. For this guide you don't need to run a full node, as mining pools do this for you. We still need geth to create the private key of your Ethereum wallet. Somewhere we have to receive the coins we are mining Add the Ethereum APT repository using these commands:

sudo apt-get install software-properties-common
sudo add-apt-repository ppa:ethereum/ethereum
sudo apt-get update

On Debian 8 (on Ubuntu you can skip this) you need to replace the repository name with this command:

sudo sed 's/jessie/vivid/' -i /etc/apt/sources.list.d/ethereum-ethereum-*.list
sudo apt-get update

Install ethereum, ethminer and geth:

sudo apt-get install ethereum ethminer geth

Create Ethereum Wallet A wallet is where coins are "stored". They are not really stored in the wallet because the wallet is just a private key that nobody has. The balance of that wallet is visible to everyone using the blockchain database. And this is what full nodes do, they contain and distribute the database to all other peers. So this this command to create your first private key for your wallet:

geth account new

Be aware, that this passphrase protects the private key of your wallet. Anyone who has access to that file and knows your passphrase will have full control over your coins. And also do not forget the passphrase, as if you do, you lost all your coins! The output of "geth account new" shows a long character/number sequence quoted in . This is your wallet address and you should write that number down, as if someone wants to send you money, then it is to that address. We will use that for the mining pool later.

Install (proprietary) nvidia driver For OpenCL to work with nvidia graphics cards, like my GTX 1070, you need to install this proprietary driver from nvidia. If you have an older card maybe the opensource drivers will work for you. For the nvidia pascal cards numbers 10xx you will need this driver package. After you have agreed the terms, download the NVIDIA-Linux-x86_64-367.35.run file. But before we can use that installer we need to install some dependencies that installer needs as it will have to compile a Linux kernel module for you. Install the dependencies using this command:

sudo apt-get install linux-headers-amd64 build-essential

Now we can make the installer executable and run it like this:

chmod +x NVIDIA-Linux-x86_64-367.35.run
sudo NVIDIA-Linux-x86_64-367.35.run

If that step completed without error, then we should be able to run the mining benchmark!

ethminer -M -G

The -M means "run benchmark" and the -G is for GPU mining. The first time you run it it will create a DAG file and that will takes a while. For me it took about 12 minutes on my GTX 1070. After that is should show a inner mean hashrate. If it says H/s that is hashes per second and KH is kilo (H/1000) and MH is megahashes per second (KH/1000). I had numbers around 25-30 MH/s, but for real mining you will see an average that is a balanced number and not a min/max range.

Pick Ethereum Network Now it gets serious, you need to decide 2 things. First which Ethereum network you want to mine for and the second is using which pool. Ethereum has 2 networks, one is called Ethereum One or Core, while the other is called Ethereum Classic. Ethereum has made a hardfork to undo the consequences of a software bug in the DAO. The DAO is a smart contract for a decentralized organization. Because of that bug, a blackhat could use that bug to obtain money from that DAO. The Ethereum developers made a poll and decided that the consequences will be undone. Not everyone agreed and the old network stayed alive and is now called Ethereum Classic short ETC. The hardfork kept its short name ETH. This is important to understand for mining, because the hashing difficulty has a huge difference between ETH and ETC. As of writing, the hashrate of ETC is at 20% compared to ETH. Thus you need less computing time to get ETC coins and more time to get ETH coins. Differently said, ETC mining is currently more profitable.

Pick a Pool Hmmmm, I want a swimming pool, thanks! Just kidding... You can mine without a pool, that is called solo mining, but you will get less reward. A mining pool are multiple computers that work on the same block to find a solution quicker than others. The pool has an aggregated hashrate that is higher than other solo miners. Each found block by anyone in this pool will be rewarded to everyone in the pool. The reward of 5 ether currently per block gets split in the same ratio of hashrate each member provides (minus the pool fee). So while you get less for a found block, you still have a steady lower income rate instead of higher with less chance of finding one (in time). Simply said: you have to find a new block faster than the others to receive the reward. If you want to mine Ethereum Classic (ETC) use one of the pools listed here (at the bottom of the page). If you want to mine Ethereum One / Core (ETH) use one of the pools listed here.

Run ethminer The instruction page of the pool website usually says how to start the miner program, but here is an example of the pool that I use (because pony!):

ethminer -G -F http://yolo.ethclassic.faith:9999/0x<YOUR_WALLET_ADDRESS> --farm-recheck 200

Profit If this guide was helpful for you, you can tip me at ethereum:0x9ec1220d2f2fadd3f0c96e3007daa827bc83fbd6 or simply run the ethminer using my wallet address for a day or two:

ethminer -G -F http://yolo.ethclassic.faith:9999/0x9ec1220d2f2fadd3f0c96e3007daa827bc83fbd6 --farm-recheck 200

Happy mining!

Willy Brandt went down on his knees in the Warsaw ghetto, after a functioning democracy had been established in the Federal Republic of Germany, not before. But Japan, shielded from the evil world, has grown into an Oskar Matzerath: opportunistic, stunted, and haunted by demons, which it tries to ignore by burying them in the sand, like Oskar s drum.
Ian Buruma, Wages of Guilt, Clearing Up the Ruins

This difference between (West) German and Japanese textbooks is not just a matter of detail; it shows a gap in perception.
Ian Buruma, Wages of Guilt, Romance of the Ruins

• War Against the West
  This chapter sets the stage in two parts, Bonn and Tokyo, by comparing the reaction in these countries to the Iraq war. The German Betroffenheit (To be betroffen implies a sense of guilt, a sense of shame, or even embarrassment.) as the core of German post-war politics, literature, and media is introduced. On the Japanese side the difficult and diverse situation and attitudes towards the Iraq (and other) wars, as well as the necessary bits of post-war history and development of the Japanese constitution.

  What is so convenient in the cases of Germany and Japan is that pacifism happens to be a high-minded way to dull the pain of historical guilt. Or, conversely, if one wallows in it, pacifism turns national guilt into a virtue, almost a mark of superiority, when compared to the complacency of other nations.

• Romance of the Ruins
  This chapter focuses on the war and immediate post-war period with references to the specific literature and movies emerging out of the circumstances of destroyed countries who have lost the war.

  Hitler s doom and the emperor s speech, the end of one symbol and the odd continuity of another. Whatever their symbolic differences, both would be associated forever with ruins ruined cities, ruined people, ruined ideals.

• Auschwitz
  The psychological construction of war memorials in both Germanies, which focuses on the religious aspects, is discussed, followed by an excursion through post-war German literature and the long-term ignorance of anything related to the Holocaust.

  Here the past had fossilized into something monumental or, as Adorno would have put it, museal.

• Hiroshima Paralleling the previous chapter, Hiroshima introduces the simplistic and reduced focus of the Hiroshima memorials, mostly ignoring the foreign victims, many of them being Koreans forced to work in Japan, and concentrating on the Japanese martyrdom. Focusing on the atomic bomb event everything else is removed from the field of view.

  The problem with this quasi-religious view of history is that it makes it hard to discuss past events in anything but nonsecular terms. Visions of absolute evil are unique, and they are beyond human explanation or even comprehension. To explain is hubristic and amoral. If this is true of Auschwitz, it is even more true of Hiroshima. The irony is that while there can be no justification for Auschwitz unless one believes in Hitler s murderous ideology, the case for Hiroshima is at least open to debate. The A-bomb might have saved lives; it might have shortened the war. But such arguments are incompatible with the Hiroshima spirit.

• Nanking
  The history and aftermath, as well as the attempts of rejection and refutation of the Nanking massacre are described. The Tokyo Trials and their critique by governmental scholars are touched, as well as bit of fresh air blowing through the Japanese society after the death of Hirohito, which lead to the publication of the records of Nanking by Azuma Shiro .

  Yet the question remains whether the raping and killing of thousands of women, and the massacre of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, of other unarmed people, in the course of six weeks, can still be called extreme conduct in the heat of battle. The question is pertinent, particularly when such extreme violence is justified by an ideology which teaches the aggressors that killing an inferior race is in accordance with the will of their divine emperor.

• History on Trial
  One of the central chapters in my opinion. It discusses and compares the two post-war trials: The Nurnberg trials in Germany and the Tokyo trials in Japan. In both cases the juridical value is questioned, focusing on the winner-looser situation of post-war times.

  The Nuremberg trials were to be a history lesson, then, as well as a symbolic punishment of the German people a moral history lesson cloaked in all the ceremonial trappings of due legal process. They were the closest that man, or at least the men belonging to the victorious powers, could come to dispensing divine justice.

  Also, the differences in war trials in East and West Germany is compared. The East Germany Waldheimer trials, as well as the thorough purge of Nazis from East German jurisdiction and politics, which was in stark contrast to both West German s very restricted trials, as well as Japan s absolute non-purge of criminals.

  As long as the emperor lived, Japanese would have trouble being honest about the past. For he had been formally responsible for everything, and by holding him responsible for nothing, everybody was absolved, except, of course, for a number of military and civilian scapegoats, Officers and Outlaws, who fell victim to victors justice.

• Textbook Resistance This chapter compares the representation of war and post-war times in the textbooks in West and East Germany and Japan. The interesting case of Ienaga Saburo and the year-long trials (1965-1993) around his history textbook are recounted. The ministry of education had forced a redaction of his history textbook to conform with the revisionist view onto history, deleting most passages that are critical of the Japanese position during the first half of the 20th century. This was one of the very few cases in Japanese post-war history where someone stood up against this revisionist view.

  The judges and some of the counsel for the ministry sat back with their eyes closed, in deep concentration, or fast asleep. Perhaps they were bored, because they had heard it all before. Perhaps they thought it was a pointless exercise, since they knew already how the case would end. But it was not a pointless exercise. For Ienaga Saburo had kept alive a vital debate for twenty-seven years. One cussed schoolteacher and several hundred supporters at the courthouse might not seem much, but it was enough to show that, this time, someone was fighting back.

• Memorials, Museums, and Monuments
  This chapter returns to war memorials: The change of meaning from post WW-1, which were memorials, to post WW-2 ones which became warning monuments, indicating the shift of attention and evaluation of war history in Germany. In contrast to this, Japan s quasi non-existence of war museums till the late 90ies, as well as the existence of the Yasukuni shrine honoring and celebrating besides other several A-class war criminals as deities.

  The tragedy is not just that the suicide pilots died young. Soldiers (and civilians) do that in wars everywhere. What is so awful about the memory of their deaths is the cloying sentimentality that was meant to justify their self-immolation. There is no reason to suppose they didn t believe in the patriotic gush about cherry blossoms and sacrifice, no matter how conventional it was at the time. Which was exactly the point: they were made to rejoice in their own death. It was the exploitation of their youthful idealism that made it such a wicked enterprise. And this point is still completely missed at the Peace Museum today.

• A Normal Country This chapter discusses the slow normalization of post-war situation after the 90ies, and all the hurdles that needed to be overcome: In the case of Germany the speech of Philipp Jenninger, then president of the Bundestag, is recounted. 50 years after the Kristallnacht he tried to give a speech of historicization , only to be find himself shunned and expelled due to the lack of Betroffenheit.

  It was not an ignoble enterprise, but he should have recognized that Historisierung, even forty-three years after the war, was still a highly risky business. For a normal society, a society not haunted by ghosts, cannot be achieved by normalizing history, or by waving cross and garlic. More the other way around: when society has become sufficiently open and free to look back, from the point of view neither of the victim nor of the criminal, but of the critic, only then will the ghosts be laid to rest.

  On the Japanese side the case of Motoshima Hitoshi , who dared to question Hirohito:

  Forty-three years have passed since the end of the war, and I think we have had enough chance to reflect on the nature of that war. From reading various accounts from abroad and having been a soldier myself, involved in military education, I do believe that the emperor bore responsibility for the war.

  which led to hitherto unseen of demonstration of extreme-right-wing groups issuing death treats that lead to a failed assassination of Motoshima, all under the completely complacent Japanese police and politics letting the right-wingers play their game.

  By breaking a Japanese taboo, Motoshima struck a blow for a more open, more normal political society, and very nearly lost his life. Jenninger, I like to think, wanted to strike a blow for the same, but failed, and lost his job. Perhaps he wasn t up to the task. Or perhaps even West Germany was not yet normal enough to hear his message.

• Two Normal Towns This chapter focuses on two rare cases of civil courage and political commitment: Anja Rosmus, who stepped forth as school child to rewrite the history of Passau. She unveiled the truth about deep involvement into the NS crimes of many inhabitants of Passau, a fact that was up to then covered up and purged from knowledge. She, too, received many death threads, including nailing a killed cat onto her door. The response of the head of the tourist office in Passau, Gottfried Dominik, speaks about the very peculiar attitude:

  I asked him again about the local camp and the small hidden memorial. Dominik showed signs of distress. It was difficult, he admitted, very difficult. I know what you mean. But let me give you my personal opinion. When you have a crippled arm, you don t really want to show it around. It was a low point in our history, back then. But it was only twelve years in thousands of years of history. And so people tend to hide it, just as a person with a crippled arm is not likely to wear a short-sleeved shirt.

  A similar incident is recounted on the Japanese side, the Hanaoka incident (detailed article) and its unveiling by Nozoe Kenji, where 800 Chinese slave workers, after escaping from a forced-work camp for the Kajima Corporation, where rabbit-hunted down and slaughtered. He, too, got death threats, and was virtually expelled from his home area because he dared to publish his findings.

  I think it is this basic distrust, this refusal to be told what to think by authorities, this cussed insistence on asking questions, on hearing the truth, that binds together Nozoe, Rosmus, and others like them. There are not many such people in Japan, or anywhere else for that matter. And I suspect they are not much liked wherever they live.

• Clearing Up the Ruins The last chapter tries to round up all the previous chapters, and look into the most recent history and near future. While not completely pessimistic with respect to Japan, the final chapter leaves clear statements on the current state of Japanese society and politics:

  The state was run by virtually the same bureaucracy that ran the Japanese empire, and the electoral system was rigged to help the same corrupt conservative party to stay in power for almost forty years. This arrangement suited the United States, as well as Japanese bureaucrats, LDP politicians, and the large industrial combines, for it ensured that Japan remained a rich and stable ally against Communism. But it also helped to stifle public debate and stopped the Japanese from growing up politically.

  His description of current Japanese society, written in 1995, is still hauntingly true in 2016:

  There is something intensely irritating about the infantilism of postwar Japanese culture: the ubiquitous chirping voices of women pretending to be girls; the Disneylandish architecture of Japanese main streets, where everything is reduced to a sugary cuteness; the screeching television talents rolling about and carrying on like kindergarten clowns; the armies of blue-suited salarymen straphanging on the subway trains, reading boys comics, the maudlin love for old school songs and cuddly mama-sans.

The Nanking Massacre, for leftists and many liberals too, is the main symbol of Japanese militarism, supported by the imperial (and imperialist) cult. Which is why it is a keystone of postwar pacifism. Article Nine of the constitution is necessary to avoid another Nanking Massacre. The nationalist right takes the opposite view. To restore the true identity of Japan, the emperor must be reinstated as a religious head of state, and Article Nine must be revised to make Japan a legitimate military power again. For this reason, the Nanking Massacre, or any other example of extreme Japanese aggression, has to be ignored, softened, or denied.
Ian Buruma, Wages of Guilt, Nanking

[ ] mainstream conservatives made a deliberate attempt to distract people s attention from war and politics by concentrating on economic growth.

The curious thing was that much of what attracted Japanese to Germany before the war Prussian authoritarianism, romantic nationalism, pseudo-scientific racialism had lingered in Japan while becoming distinctly unfashionable in Germany.

The point of all this is that Ikeda s promise of riches was the final stage of what came to be known as the reverse course, the turn away from a leftist, pacifist, neutral Japan a Japan that would never again be involved in any wars, that would resist any form of imperialism, that had, in short, turned its back for good on its bloody past. The Double Your Incomes policy was a deliberate ploy to draw public attention away from constitutional issues.

The citizens of Hiroshima were indeed victims, primarily of their own military rulers. But when a local group of peace activists petitioned the city of Hiroshima in 1987 to incorporate the history of Japanese aggression into the Peace Memorial Museum, the request was turned down. The petition for an Aggressors Corner was prompted by junior high school students from Osaka, who had embarrassed Peace Museum officials by asking for an explanation about Japanese responsibility for the war.

The history of the war, or indeed any history, is indeed not what the Hiroshima spirit is about. This is why Auschwitz is the only comparison that is officially condoned. Anything else is too controversial, too much part of the flow of history .

Unlike in Europe or China, writes Tanaka, you won t find one instance of planned, systematic murder in the entire history of Japan. This is because the Japanese have a different sense of values from the Chinese or the Westerners.

In 1950, Becker wrote that few things have done more to hinder true historical self-knowledge in Germany than the war crimes trials. He stuck to this belief. Becker must be taken seriously, for he is not a right-wing apologist for the Nazi past, but an eminent liberal.

There never were any Japanese war crimes trials, nor is there a Japanese Ludwigsburg. This is partly because there was no exact equivalent of the Holocaust. Even though the behavior of Japanese troops was often barbarous, and the psychological consequences of State Shinto and emperor worship were frequently as hysterical as Nazism, Japanese atrocities were part of a military campaign, not a planned genocide of a people that included the country s own citizens. And besides, those aspects of the war that were most revolting and furthest removed from actual combat, such as the medical experiments on human guinea pigs (known as logs ) carried out by Unit 731 in Manchuria, were passed over during the Tokyo trial. The knowledge compiled by the doctors of Unit 731 of freezing experiments, injection of deadly diseases, vivisections, among other things was considered so valuable by the Americans in 1945 that the doctors responsible were allowed to go free in exchange for their data.

Some Japanese have suggested that they should have conducted their own war crimes trials. The historian Hata Ikuhiko thought the Japanese leaders should have been tried according to existing Japanese laws, either in military or in civil courts. The Japanese judges, he believed, might well have been more severe than the Allied tribunal in Tokyo. And the consequences would have been healthier. If found guilty, the spirits of the defendants would not have ended up being enshrined at Yasukuni. The Tokyo trial, he said, purified the crimes of the accused and turned them into martyrs. If they had been tried in domestic courts, there is a good chance the real criminals would have been flushed out.

After it was over, the Nippon Times pointed out the flaws of the trial, but added that the Japanese people must ponder over why it is that there has been such a discrepancy between what they thought and what the rest of the world accepted almost as common knowledge. This is at the root of the tragedy which Japan brought upon herself.

Emperor Hirohito was not Hitler; Hitler was no mere Shrine. But the lethal consequences of the emperor-worshipping system of irresponsibilities did emerge during the Tokyo trial. The savagery of Japanese troops was legitimized, if not driven, by an ideology that did not include a Final Solution but was as racialist as Hider s National Socialism. The Japanese were the Asian Herrenvolk, descended from the gods.

Emperor Hirohito, the shadowy figure who changed after the war from navy uniforms to gray suits, was not personally comparable to Hitler, but his psychological role was remarkably similar.

In fact, MacArthur behaved like a traditional Japanese strongman (and was admired for doing so by many Japanese), using the imperial symbol to enhance his own power. As a result, he hurt the chances of a working Japanese democracy and seriously distorted history. For to keep the emperor in place (he could at least have been made to resign), Hirohito s past had to be freed from any blemish; the symbol had to be, so to speak, cleansed from what had been done in its name.

If one disregards, for a moment, the differences in style between Shinto and Christianity, the Yasukuni Shrine, with its relics, its sacred ground, its bronze paeans to noble sacrifice, is not so very different from many European memorials after World War I. By and large, World War II memorials in Europe and the United States (though not the Soviet Union) no longer glorify the sacrifice of the fallen soldier. The sacrificial cult and the romantic elevation of war to a higher spiritual plane no longer seemed appropriate after Auschwitz. The Christian knight, bearing the cross of king and country, was not resurrected. But in Japan, where the war was still truly a war (not a Holocaust), and the symbolism still redolent of religious exultation, such shrines as Yasukuni still carry the torch of nineteenth-century nationalism. Hence the image of the nation owing its restoration to the sacrifice of fallen soldiers.

The mayor received a letter from a Shinto priest in which the priest pointed out that it was un-Japanese to demand any more moral responsibility from the emperor than he had already taken. Had the emperor not demonstrated his deep sorrow every year, on the anniversary of Japan s surrender? Besides, he wrote, it was wrong to have spoken about the emperor in such a manner, even as the entire nation was deeply worried about his health. Then he came to the main point: It is a common error among Christians and people with Western inclinations, including so-called intellectuals, to fail to grasp that Western societies and Japanese society are based on fundamentally different religious concepts . . . Forgetting this premise, they attempt to place a Western structure on a Japanese foundation. I think this kind of mistake explains the demand for the emperor to bear full responsibility.

The bust of the man caught my attention, but not because it was in any way unusual; such busts of prominent local figures can be seen everywhere in Japan. This one, however, was particularly grandiose. Smiling across the yard, with a look of deep satisfaction over his many achievements, was Hatazawa Kyoichi. His various functions and titles were inscribed below his bust. He had been an important provincial bureaucrat, a pillar of the sumo wrestling establishment, a member of various Olympic committees, and the recipient of some of the highest honors in Japan. The song engraved on the smooth stone was composed in praise of his rich life. There was just one small gap in Hatazawa s life story as related on his monument: the years from 1941 to 1945 were missing. Yet he had not been idle then, for he was the man in charge of labor at the Hanaoka mines.

But the question in American minds was understandable: could one trust a nation whose official spokesmen still refused to admit that their country had been responsible for starting a war? In these Japanese evasions there was something of the petulant child, stamping its foot, shouting that it had done nothing wrong, because everybody did it.

Japan seems at times not so much a nation of twelve-year-olds, to repeat General MacArthur s phrase, as a nation of people longing to be twelve-year-olds, or even younger, to be at that golden age when everything was secure and responsibility and conformity were not yet required.

For General MacArthur was right: in 1945, the Japanese people were political children. Until then, they had been forced into a position of complete submission to a state run by authoritarian bureaucrats and military men, and to a religious cult whose high priest was also formally chief of the armed forces and supreme monarch of the empire.

I saw Jew S ss that same year, at a screening for students of the film academy in Berlin. This showing, too, was followed by a discussion. The students, mostly from western Germany, but some from the east, were in their early twenties. They were dressed in the international uniform of jeans, anoraks, and work shirts. The professor was a man in his forties, a 68er named Karsten Witte. He began the discussion by saying that he wanted the students to concentrate on the aesthetics of the film more than the story. To describe the propaganda, he said, would simply be banal: We all know the what, so let s talk about the how. I thought of my fellow students at the film school in Tokyo more than fifteen years before. How many of them knew the what of the Japanese war in Asia.

$ rake
/usr/bin/ruby2.1 -I"lib:." -I"/usr/lib/ruby/vendor_ruby" "/usr/lib/ruby/vendor_ruby/rake/rake_test_loader.rb" "test/test*.rb"
Loaded suite /usr/lib/ruby/vendor_ruby/rake/rake_test_loader
Started
...............................................................................
...............................................................................
........
Finished in 2.096916712 seconds.
166 tests, 24213 assertions, 0 failures, 0 errors, 0 pendings, 0 omissions, 0 notifications
100% passed
79.16 tests/s, 11546.95 assertions/s

• Ensure the binaries and data are installed into the right places in the directory hierarchy. Binaries must go to $prefix/bin, for example.
• Ensure that configuration can be found under /etc as well as under $prefix/etc

cd /path/to/my/project
lipkgen make-template

Format-Version: 1.0

Requires: Qt5Core (>= 5.3), Qt5DBus (>= 5.3), libpng12

lipkgen build pkginstall/

sudo lipa install package.ipk

runapp $ component_id -$ version :/bin/binary-name

• Use PAM to authenticate the user via RADIUS
• Use the new NSS module for SecurePass to have a consistent UID/GID/ .

# apt-get install securepass-tools

ERRATA CORRIGE: securepass-tools hasn t been uploaded to Debian yet, Alessio is working hard to make the package available in time for Jessie though.

# pip install securepass-tools

[default]
app_id = xxxxx
app_secret = xxxx
endpoint = https://beta.secure-pass.net/

# sp-user-xattrs user@domain.net set posixuid 1000

• posixuid UID of the user
• posixgid GID of the user
• posixhomedir Home directory
• posixshell Desired shell
• posixgecos Gecos (defaults to username)

# apt-get install libnss-securepass

./configure
make
make install (Debian/Ubuntu Only)

/usr/bin/install -c -o root -g root libnss_sp.so.2 /usr/lib64/libnss_sp.so.2
ln -sf libnss_sp.so.2 /usr/lib64/libnss_sp.so

[nss]
realm = company.net
default_gid = 100
default_home = "/home"
default_shell = "/bin/bash"

$ grep sp /etc/nsswitch.conf
 passwd:  files sp

$ getent passwd user
 user:x:1000:100:My User:/home/user:/bin/bash

$ id user
 uid=1000(user)  gid=100(users) groups=100(users)

# apt-get install libpam-radius-auth

# yum -y install pam_radius

radius1.secure-pass.net secret 3
radius2.secure-pass.net secret 3

auth required   pam_env.so
auth sufficient pam_radius_auth.so try_first_pass
auth sufficient pam_unix.so nullok try_first_pass
auth requisite  pam_succeed_if.so uid >= 500 quiet
auth required   pam_deny.so

1. Debian wheezy with the binaries from ChromeOS (they have the same xserver version)
2. Ubuntu trusty with the Nvidia drivers

1. Debian wheezy with the binaries from ChromeOS (they have the same xserver version)
2. Ubuntu trusty with the Nvidia drivers